Between Akhil Gogoi, the leader of Krishak Mukti Sangram; Wael Ghonim, Mohamed Bouazizi, and Asma Mahfouz the Arab youths who became the known faces of the Arab revolution, a common trait manages to surface to draw some attention in a new wave of political activism. Without any prior political strings attached to them these names are popular in their respective regions, but what sets them apart from the rest is the fact that they did not step back and watch helplessly the stripping of democracy of its sheen. They are young, and yet they have had made their contribution to democracy by not remaining silent, and have redefined the image of youth in situations deemed unhealthy for a conducive existence in modern times.
Akhil Gogoi, a lone voice of a farmer’s movement that raises its voice against the alleged callous policies of the ruling government in Assam often finds himself in cornered situations. Accused as a Maoist and often blamed for stalling development projects in the state (the Hydro electrical project in upper Subansiri one of them), the young activist brings to light through media the various alleged shady deals involving some of the prominent ministers in the government, and the future consequences of such projects . The result of his activism, at times as reported by the local media (those not affiliated with the government) include alleged attempts made on his life. Wael Ghonim, the Egyptian who posted pictures of alleged police brutality on the internet exposing the alleged involvement of the Mubarak regime, as Gogoi, is part of a young new political activism ready to face bullets and consequences for the greater good.
The same situation in certain aspects is visible in Assam, which has one of the highest unemployment rates in India, and like the rest of the country, the majority of the population comprises of young people. In 1983, the unemployment rate was at 2.2 percent as compared to 2.0 for the country, and by 1999-2000, the country’s unemployment rate had risen to 2.3 percent, the state’s unemployment rate was at a staggering 4.6 percent, and it continues to increase. Without any private investment happening and without any new avenues opening the situation is only getting worse.
Lack of free political will and a government infested with corrupt ministers led the youth and the people to march up to Tahrir square to demand the ouster of the reigning regime. With so much of disparity gaining ground and without any new avenues to take advantage of, it is quite probable that the this factor in Assam could be easily turned into a fresh wound giving the much required impetus to the waning insurgent movement. The constant habit of the centre to overlook the whole region often acts as a catalyst.
The Xenophobic mentality infused into the people’s psychological structure by the Assam movement still surfaces at times. Led by few organisations in the name of the youth it only exposes the insecurities of the community as a whole pretending to be a matter of Assamese pride. Almost thirty years after the movement, spearheaded by the sentiment to protect the region’s natural resources and the drive to drive-out foreign elements from the state, Assam is yet to the see the light of industrialisation and proper distribution of wealth. The call at that time made by the youth shows the community as a whole with full vigour and the zeal of political activism to achieve the laid objectives, but somehow that very zeal crossed the line of rationality, which led to situations deemed uncivil. The corrosive reality, which was an outcome of the movement, led the majority of the youth to hide in the shadows and pick up the gun, a situation created comparable to that of Bosnia and the Balkans. It was really a bad time to be a youth in a place under stringent army control.
With the situation now more conducive, it is the prerogative of the youths to kick start a new revolution sans the gun. With the world, becoming smaller and being connected more than ever before, the need to mobilise people for a greater cause has been rendered easy. But with that new challenges crop up, and the youth has to see in themselves the proper They have to see the new movement is not snowballed into a political mileage for some petty politicians or organisations. The right usage of rhetoric unifying the affected should be within the realm of a civilian course, similar to the call made by the youth through Facebook and Tweeter in Egypt to gather at Tahrir square in Cairo. The spotlight should be concentrated on the dismal state of education and the advantage given to the private educational system to reap benefits from those in pursuit of high technical or professional qualification. Another important factor that drives the youth to despair is the undue importance given to people outside from the state in major development projects set up in the state, therefore depriving the deserving indigenous candidates, which in turn give rise to regional chauvinism.
In a contemporary capitalist world, competition and social status are the basic key elements. Ideology has a place only in the background and is easily hijacked taking the sentiments of the masses into account. A certain organisation in the state claims to have one but it pays much adherence to coercive tactics rather than to address the gravity of the situation. At times, it acts as the moral saviour of the community using the force of youth as a shield- for the soil and its people, as it proclaims. It sees red if they feel someone is not dancing to their tune- a situation much different from the Egyptian one because it did not give prominence to the radical Muslim Brotherhood.
Just because the youth of Assam does not indulge in stone pelting like the Kashmiri youth, the people who are responsible of carrying the message at times tend to misrepresent it. The vulnerability of the Assamese youth is anything but tragic. Already divided into communal and sectarian lines, youth politics in Assam is an easy prey for malignant politicians playing safe with their agendas. Assam is a haven for divisive politics. In addition, it is here that a stark difference emerges between the Egyptian and Assamese youth. The Egyptians, stayed united irrespective of their religion and sex, unperturbed by any differences. Will the youth from this hill state manage to stay as one in the face of a revolution? The answer lies only with young leaders like Gogoi, who has to take this responsibility of unifying the youth. As for the moment, the Assamese youth should learn a thing or two from Ghonim or Saeed, who stood for real nationalism instead of nick picking on religious or sectarian lines.
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